As State lawmakers from around the country converged in Atlanta to announce an alliance to combat restrictive voting laws that have proliferated in recent years, Jesse Jackson Jr. was being sentenced to 30 months for his fraud conviction.
Jackson the son of Civil Rights leader Jesse Jackson Sr. pled guilty to one count of fraud. Under sentencing guidelines, he faced 46 to 60 months in prison. Keeping their word, prosecutors recommended that he serve four years in prison and placed on supervised release for three years. U.S. District Judge Amy Berman Jackson was not bound by the guideline range. Nor was she bound by the prosecutor’s recommendation. The maximum penalty for the offense is five years in prison, plus three years of supervised release. Jackson has also agreed to pay a money-judgment forfeiture of $750,000. He also faced a fine of $10,000 to $100,000 under the guidelines.
Judge Amy Berman Jackson was appointed as a United States District Judge in March of 2011. Prior to joining the Court, she was engaged in private practice in Washington, D.C. as a member of Trout Cacheris, where she specialized in complex criminal and civil trials and appeals. One of those complex criminal cases was the representation of former Rep. William Jefferson a nine-term New Orleans Democrat, in his 2009 corruption trial. The Virginia jury convicted him on 11 of 16 charges, and he’s serving 13 years in prison.
Jackson himself a former member of U.S. House Of Representatives used $750,000.00 of campaign funds to purchase an array of personal items that included a Rolex watch, a mink cape, and Bruce Lee memorabilia.
Jackson’s wife, Sandra, was also sentenced to one year in prison and was ordered to pay $22,000 in restitution, after pleading guilty to a related charge of filing false tax returns. Jackson also had to resign from Congress.
Stating that there was a time when members of Congress could treat their campaign funds as retirement accounts, Jackson’s defense attorney, asked for an 18-month sentence.
The prosecution argued to the contrary stating that it is one of the most significant abuses of the campaign system that has ever been documented and prosecuted. The government asked for four years in prison. “Jesse Jackson Jr.’s journey from the halls of Congress to federal prison is a tragedy of his own making,” U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia Ronald Machen said in a statement. “Jackson’s political potential was unlimited, but he instead chose to treat his campaign account as a personal slush fund, stealing from the people who believed in him so he could live extravagantly. He squandered his great capacity for public service through outright theft. The prison sentence imposed today should serve as a wake-up call to other public officials who believe there are no consequences for betraying the public trust.” The government asked for four years in prison.
Ronald Machen who is black is correct in his assessment of Junior. Jackson’s behavior is an affront to the civil rights movement. During that movement, many lost their lives to engage in the right to vote. Further in a few weeks, we will celebrating the 50th Anniversary on the March on Washington. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. who was a mentor to Junior’s father recited his famous “ I Have A Dream” Speech. Dr. King’s dream was not to have black elected official to use their political power to commit criminal acts that erodes the confidence of public trust. At a time when the minorities’ right to vote is threatened by restrictive voter ID laws and a Supreme Court ruling that sets aside a key portion of the Voting Rights Act, Jackson’s political power could have been used in a more positive way. The campaign funds would have been better spent on a re-election platform advocating a fair and balanced voter rights act than Bruce Lee memorabilia. Leading the Congress to equitable law preventing states from acting in any way to disenfranchise the minority vote would have paid tribute to the lives lost in the movement.
Further as blacks are moved out of their communities and scattered throughout the county, the people of color will also find it hard to be elected. Blacks will be without black representation in Federal, State and local governments. Showing some leadership on the matter certainly would help his constituents as well as Jackson the politician as the Supreme Court makes a concentrated effort of increasing state rights and limiting Federal rights as it pertains to individual rights.
U.S. District Judge Jackson said the Jacksons used the campaign funds as a “personal piggybank,” but she was confident that “there will be another chapter” for Jackson Jr. After acknowledging that Jackson did not pose a threat to society, Judge Jackson then opened the page to that new chapter entitled Jesse Jackson Jr. the Deterrent. “The ethical standard has got to be simply higher than unindicted,” she said. The Judge also ruled out probation stating that she would have trouble explaining a probation sentence to the donors whose campaigns funds the couple misused.
The Judge felt a significant jail sentence was necessary to serve as a deterrent to other politicians who might consider raiding their campaign coffers for personal gain. The four years recommended by the prosecution certainly would have been significant, but the Judge apparently felt that 2 ½ years would be significant enough.
Jackson’s wife will commence serving her 1 year a month after Jackson is released.
On February 26, 1939, First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt fired off a letter to Mrs. Henry Martyn Robert Jr., the President General of the DAR. Mrs. Roosevelt was resigning from the organization as a result of their refusal to permit Marian Anderson to perform at Constitution Hall, a concert hall owned and operated by the DAR.
One of the most celebrated singers of the twentieth century, Marian Anderson was an African-American contralto. Anderson was born on February 27, 1897, nine months after the U.S. Supreme court handed down its’ separate but equal ruling in the case of Plessy v. Ferguson.
The National Society of DAR The Daughters of the American Revolution (DAR) is a lineage-based membership organization for women who are descended from a person involved in United States’ independence. It was incorporated by a congressional charter in the same year as the Plessy decision.
In response to the First Lady’ letter of resignation, Sarah Corbin Robert wrote “I am indeed sorry not to have been in Washington at this time. Perhaps I might have been able to remove some of the misunderstanding and to have presented to you personally the attitude of the Society”.
That attitude of the Society was now the law of the land thanks to the Plessy decision. How ever that attitude was not embraced by Robert’s father in law General Henry Martyn Robert Sr. General Robert, the author of Robert Rules of Parlimentary Procedure was born and raised in Robertville, S.C. a place he left because he despised slavery. It was probably not embraced by Clement Corbin, Mrs. Robert’ great great grandfather who fought with the Connecticut Rangers in the Revolutionary War in Rhode Island. Clement Corbin fought along with such black men as Lot Little, who was a slave.
And it certainly was not the attitude of Eunice Davis. A known Abolitionist who worked with William Lloyd Garrison, publisher of the anti-slavery newspaper, the Liberator, Davis was the daughter of a revolutionary war hero by the name of Prince Ames. Ames who was married to Eunice Russ a Narragansett Indian was the son of a white father and Narragansett Indian mother.
The Narragansett Indians were known as a tribe of diverse cultures which also included Africans. The tribe had a vision of themselves as “a nation rather than a race”, and it was a multiracial nation. Therefore the y did not frown on what has been termed as interracial or mixed marriages, which of course was illegal I this country until the U.S. Supreme ruled the unconstitutionality of such local laws in the historic case known as Loving v. Virginia.
Eunice Davis first marriage was to a white man. That marriage ended after his death. Together they had three children. Eunice whose second husband was black became a member of the DAR in 1896 at the age of 96.
As a result of the DAR’s refusal, Marian Anderson went on to give her Concert at the Lincoln Memorial on Easter Sunday. On April 9, 1939 at the invitation of Interior Secretary Harold L. Ickes. Ms. Anderson sang before an integrated crowd of 75,000. That audience included Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black, and New York Senator Robert Wagoner The concert was also broadcasted over the radio to millions.
This Easter marks 73 years since the Marian Anderson Lincoln Memorial concert. In these 73 years the Daughters of The American Revolution has made a lot of progressive changes. In 1943 they welcomed Marian Anderson to Constitution Hall for a benefit concert for war relief. In 1964, Ms. Anderson chose the Hall as the launching pad of her American farewell tour.
The DAR changed their policy in regards to Constitution Hall in 1957, three years after Brown v. Board of Education overruled Plessy. However, they did not accept their first acknowledged black member a until 1977.
Karen Batchelor also known as Karen Farmer sat down at the Lunch Counter with Febone1960.net. Karen is that first acknowledged black member invited and accepted into the DAR after the unfortunate Marian Anderson incident.
Also sitting with us at the lunch counter is Kim Harrison, a descendant of Lot Little. Lot Little was, a slave who fought at the Battle of Saratoga. Both women described their journey leading them to the DAR. They also discussed the surprising revelations of that journey.
Take listen to their interview by viewing the video above. Febone1960.net think you will find this interview very revealing with respect to race.
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The lawyers for the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund Inc. From left, Louis L. Redding, Robert L. Carter, Oliver W. Hill, Thurgood Marshall and Spottswood W. Robinson III.
Robert L. Carter, leading strategist and persuasive voice in the legal assault on racial segregation in 20th-century America died Tuesday morning in Manhattan. The former federal judge in New York was 94.
The cause was complications of a stroke, said his son John W. Carter, a justice of the New York Supreme Court in the Bronx.
Judge Carter presided over the merger of professional basketball leagues in the 1970s and was instrumental in opening the New York City police force to more minority applicants.
Mr. Carter’s greatest impact came in the late 1940s and 1950s as a lawyer with the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund Inc. The Legal Defense and Educational Fund was led by Charles Hamilton Houston. Thurgood Marshall succeeded Houston who went on tackle desegregation of the U.S. Armed Forces.
Often laboring behind the scenes, Judge Carter had a significant hand in many historic legal challenges to racial discrimination in the postwar years. None was more momentous than the landmark case known as Brown v. Board of Education. Decided by the U.S. Supreme Court in the Brown abolished legal segregation in the public schools throughout the United States.
Mr. Carter’s well-honed argument that the segregation of public schools was unconstitutional on its face became the Supreme Court’s own conclusion in Brown. The decision swept away half a century of legal precedent that the South had used to justify its “separate but equal” doctrine decided in its’ 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision.
Underpaid and overworked, Mr. Carter and his Legal Defense Fund colleagues argued before the court that the South’s schools rarely offered anything like equal opportunities to black children. Segregation itself, they contended, was so damaging to black children that it should be abolished, on the ground that it was contrary to the 14th Amendment, which guarantees equal rights to all citizens.
Mr. Carter spent years doing research in law and history to construct that legal theory before it reached the Supreme Court. Though aspects of segregation law had been struck down before World War II, Mr. Carter’s task was still daunting. His challenge was to persuade the Supreme Court to overturn, finally, a looming obstacle to equal rights, the court’s 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson. That ruling upheld a Louisiana law requiring racial separation on railroad cars. The South used that decision to justify a wide range of discriminatory practices for years to come.
“We have one fundamental contention,” Mr. Carter told the court. “No state has any authority under the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment to use race as a factor in affording educational opportunities among its citizens.”
Mr. Carter insisted on using the research of the psychologist Kenneth B. Clark to attack segregated schools, a daring courtroom tactic in the eyes of some civil rights lawyers. Experiments by Mr. Clark and his wife, Mamie, showed that black children suffered in their learning and development by being segregated. Mr. Clark’s testimony proved crucial in persuading the court to act, Mr. Carter wrote in a 2004 book, “A Matter of Law: A Memoir of Struggle in the Cause of Equal Rights.”
As chief deputy to the imposing Mr. Marshall, who was to become the first black Supreme Court justice, Mr. Carter labored for years in his shadow. In the privacy of legal conferences, Mr. Carter was seen as the house radical, always urging his colleagues to push legal and constitutional positions to the limits.
Mr. Marshall had encouraged him to play the gadfly: “I was younger and more radical than many of the people Thurgood would have in, I guess. But he’d never let them shut me up.”
Robert Lee Carter was born in Caryville, in the Florida Panhandle, on March 17, 1917, the youngest of nine children. The family moved to New Jersey when he was 6 weeks old, and his father, Robert L. Carter, died when he was a year old. Annie Martin Carter, his mother, took in laundry for white people for 25 years.
Mr. Carter recalled experiencing racial discrimination as a 16-year-old in East Orange, N.J. The high school he attended allowed black students to use its pool only on Fridays, after classes were over. After he read in the newspaper that the State Supreme Court had outlawed such restrictions, he entered the pool with white students and stood up to a teacher’s threat to have him expelled from school. It was his first taste of activism, he said.
Judge Carter attended two predominantly black universities: Lincoln University in Pennsylvania, where he enrolled at 16, and Howard University School of Law in Washington. Enrolling in Columbia University as a graduate student, he wrote his master’s thesis on the First Amendment. Parts of the thesis was used in preparing for the school segregation cases in the 1950s.
Mr. Carter joined the Army a few months before the United States entered World War II. That experience made a militant of him, he said, starting with the day a white captain welcomed Mr. Carter’s unit of the Army Air Corps at Augusta, Ga. The captain, Mr. Carter states in his memoir, “wanted to inform us right away that he did not believe in educating niggers.”
“He was not going to tolerate our putting on airs or acting uppity,” Mr. Carter said.
In spite of repeated antagonisms, Mr. Carter completed Officer Candidate School and became a second lieutenant. He was the only black officer at Harding Field in Baton Rouge, La., and promptly integrated the officers’ club, arousing new anger. The determined Mr. Carter was soon transferred to a training base in Columbus, Ohio, where he continued to face racial hostility.
After leaving the service in 1944 he was hired as a lawyer at the Legal Defense and Educational Fund. The organization was then the legal arm of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. It later became an independent organization. By 1948, he had become Marshall’s chief deputy and soon became active in the school segregation cases. One notable case was Sweatt v. Painter, in which the Supreme Court ruled in 1950 that the University of Texas Law School had acted illegally in denying admission to a black applicant.
Mr. Carter was also involved in housing discrimination cases, the dismantling of all-white political primaries in several Southern states and the ending of de facto school segregation in the North.
Mr. Carter was disappointed when Marshall passed him over and chose a white staff lawyer, Jack Greenberg, to succeed him as director-counsel of the fund in 1961. Considering it as a demotion, Mr. Carter moved to the N.A.A.C.P. as its general counsel. By then the NAACP was a separate entity. Mr. Carter resented what he considered as Mr. Greenberg’s undercutting him.
Mr. Carter resigned in protest from the N.A.A.C.P. in 1968 when its board fired a white staff member, Lewis M. Steel, who had written an article in The New York Times Magazine critical of the Supreme Court. After a year at the Urban Center at Columbia, he joined the New York law firm of Poletti, Freidin, Prashker, Feldman & Gartner. President Richard M. Nixon nominated him to the federal bench for the Southern District of New York in 1972 at the recommendation of Senator Jacob K. Javits, Republican of New York.
On the bench, Judge Carter became known for his strong hand in cases involving professional basketball. He oversaw the merger of the National Basketball Association and the American Basketball Association in the 1970s, the settlement of a class-action antitrust suit against the N.B.A. brought by Oscar Robertson and other players, and a number of high-profile free-agent arbitration disputes involving players like Marvin Webster and Bill Walton.
In 1979, his findings of bias shown against black and Hispanic applicants for police jobs in New York City led to significant changes in police hiring policies and an increase in minority representation on the force.
Mr. Carter, who lived in Manhattan and died in a hospital there, married Gloria Spencer of New York in 1946. She died in 1971. Besides his son John, Judge Carter is survived by another son, David; a sister, Alma Carter Lawson; and a grandson.
Well into advanced age, Mr. Carter retained the fire of a civil rights fighter who believed that much remained to be done in the pursuit of racial equality.
“Black children aren’t getting equal education in the cities,” he said in an interview with The Times in 2004. “The schools that are 100 percent black are still as bad as they were before Brown. Integration seems to be out, at least for this generation.”
“I have hope” he went on to say.
“In the United States, we make progress in two or three steps, then we step back,” he added. “And blacks are more militant now and will not accept second-class citizenship as before.”
If you wish to hear about the Brown decision in his own words, you can view the Febone1960.net Black History Month Calendar video clip which includes Judge Robert L. Carter.
Febone1960.net extends its’ condolences to the family of this legal genius and fellow Howard Law Alum.
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Obama says the middle class is in jeopardy. Many think that the backs of the middle class have been broken by the antics of the financial institutions. Thus, the making of Occupy Wall Street.
Recently, President Obama made a speech to the 99 percent who have seen their movement disbanded across the country, sometimes in violence and often with multiple arrest. The President’s speech seemed to echo the sentiments of Teddy Roosevelt who gave a speech in the same location in 1910.
101 years have seen a lot of changes. In 1910, we were still an agriculture society but was we were also firmly entrenched in our industrial revolution. The decade of the 1910s was the age of the great industrialist and financier.
Yet as we look and compare the different time periods, it appears that we are back in the 1910s. The root of most of the problems of urbanization and immigration was in the economic status of most of the people at the time. The main source of work in the cities was factory jobs, which had their wages regulated by the tyrants who owned the factories. Since there was a great abundance of workers, both poor farmers who moved to the city seeking financial freedom and immigrants who came to America because they had heard it was the land of milk and honey, there was no need for the factories to entice workers with high wages. Therefore, the working middle class was actually not much of a middle class at all! They had to struggle to make ends meet.
Families who had no savings were forced to place their votes for whether the father’s union goes on strike. Due of to a lack of money to be used as a cushion during the time the workers were on strike, many people did not have the ability to fight for higher wages and better conditions. If they went on strike, they would no longer have the money to buy food and pay rent. For these reasons, the working conditions in the cities had little improvement over the years.
To make ends meet, families had to send their children off to work in the factories. Young boys often had to sit and pick out pieces of slate from coal, hurting his hands, running the risk of getting killed, and suffering health problems from breathing the coal dust-all for just sixty cents a day. For some families, this was the only option they saw to keep food on the table.
Today, sitting pretty as a member of the 1 percent Newt Gingrich recommends that poor kids (who were once middle class until the financial collapse) work as janitors in their schools. Otherwise Newt believes that they are destine for a life in prostitution, pimping and drugs.
Take a look at President Obama as he speaks words of inspiration to the 99 percent.
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The Help came out the gate in second place at this weekend’s box office. On the heels of Planet Of The Apes, the women driven film grossed 26 million dollars on 2534 screens. Planet of The Apes in week two grossed 27 million dollars on 3691 screens.